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Belarus Updates, 2001

INTERNATIONAL LEAGUE FOR HUMAN RIGHTS

BELARUS UPDATE
Edited by Victor Cole

Vol. 4, No. 37
September 2001


BELARUSIAN OPPOSITION MOURNS TOGETHER WITH AMERICAN PEOPLE

On September 13, activists of Zubr, a nation-wide youth opposition movement, formed a human chain near the U.S. Embassy in Minsk, holding lighted candles to express heir condolences to the American people in connection with the terrorist acts against the World Trade Center and the Pentagon. Amb. Michael Kozak, U.S. envoy to Belarus, and other Embassy officials thanked the activists for their sympathy.

LEAGUE PROGRAMS CONTINUE

While our city is devastated and many of our friends and neighbors are suffering unimaginable losses in the terrorist attacks, fortunately our immediate staff and board are safe and we have reopened our office and continue our programs. We will be forced to delay some foreign visitors' programs for several weeks due to postponement of certain UN meetings and also the logistical problems in traveling to and within New York and Washington at this time, yet the situation is returning to normal and we are confident we can go on assisting our colleagues abroad.

This week, Peter Zalmayev, the League's CIS Program Coordinator, was able to travel to Warsaw for the opening of the OSCE Human Dimension Implementation Meeting. The League is sponsoring two briefings at the Hotel Victoria, venue for the OSCE meeting, for our NGO colleagues and government delegates, the first of which is "Unsolved Cases: Disappearances in Belarus and Ukraine," featuring the wives of victims of the Belarusian regime (details below under "Calendar of Events"). We will have a report on the meeting next week.

IN THIS ISSUE:

- Lukashenko Claims Victory
- US and OSCE: Belarus Elections Fail To Meet International Standards
- U.S. Concurs With OSCE: Belarus Election "Not Democratic"
- U.S.: Lukashenko Pursuing Course That Isolates Belarus
- OSCE Urges Belarusian Authorities To Cooperate
- OSCE Official Cancels Meeting With Government
- Opposition Web Sites Blocked On Election Day
- Bomb Explodes Near Us Embassy In Minsk
- Lukashenko Triumphant But Doomed, Say Papers
- Size Of Victory Is Measure Of Lukashenko's Fears
- Administration Shake Up Begins
- Putin, Gorbachev, Kuchma Congratulate Lukashenko
- NGOs Set Up Countrywide Network Of Independent Observers
- Chronicle Of Arrests And Harassment Of Opposition Activists
- Italian Sentenced To Four And A Half Years For Espionage

LUKASHENKO CLAIMS VICTORY IN PRESIDENTIAL ELECTIONS

Alexander Lukashenko has been overwhelmingly re-elected in the September 9 election, the country's official Electoral Commission announced. Lukashenko garnered 75.65 percent of the popular vote, with his main rival Vladimir Goncharik, who fronted a broad coalition of opposition parties, collecting 15.65 percent, and Sergei Gaidukevich receiving 2.48 percent, Lydia Yermoshina, chair of the Central Electoral Commission, told a news conference. She said 83.86 percent of eligible voters turned out. She said the final official results would be released in three days. Buoyant with victory, Lukashenko brushed off the criticism and said he was ready to cooperate with the West. "The West made a mistake concerning Belarus. It pushed itself into a corner," he said at a news conference in Minsk. He said he was ready to allow the Belarusian military to join NATO military exercises and cooperate with the U.S. and European governments and international financial institutions. Lukashenko also promised to resolve what happened to several prominent figures who have disappeared. "There is no taste of blood in my elegant victory," he said. (Charter 97/Belapan/Interfax, September 9)

OSCE: BELARUS ELECTIONS FAIL TO MEET INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS

On September 10, the International Limited Election Observation Mission (ILEOM) for the presidential election in Belarus, a joint effort of the OSCE - including the OSCE Office for Democratic Institutions and Human Rights (ODIHR) and the OSCE Parliamentary Assembly - the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, and the European Parliament, presented its preliminary findings and conclusions at a press conference in Minsk. The ILEOM was established in Minsk on August 17 and shortly thereafter started monitoring the electoral process with 27 experts and long-term observers deployed in the capital and seven regional centers. The ILEOM included nationals from 20 countries throughout the OSCE region -Bulgaria, Croatia, Denmark, Germany, Italy, Kyrgyzstan, Lithuania, former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, the Netherlands, Poland, Romania, Russian Federation, Slovakia, Sweden, Switzerland, Tajikistan, Ukraine, Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, United Kingdom, and United States of America. On election day, the ILEOM deployed 293, including 57 from the OSCE PA, 12 from the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, and 10 from the European Parliament, representing the political spectrum. The ILEOM monitored the polling and vote count in over 1,000 precincts throughout Belarus.

Following are excerpts from the OSCE's press release and its "Statement of Preliminary Findings and Conclusions":

"The 2001 presidential election process in the Republic of Belarus represented an important opportunity to assess the development of democracy and civil society in the country. As such, this election will influence the future relations between Belarus and the international community, including the European institutions."

"The ILEOM undertook its monitoring mission on the basis of international standards for conduct of democratic elections as formulated by the OSCE and the Council of Europe. The ILEOM confirmed the importance of the four criteria established in 2000 by the Parliamentary Troika as the benchmarks for democratic elections and the main conditions for the ongoing democratization process in Belarus: transparency of the election process; access of opponents to the state-run mass media; non-discrimination of political opponents; and meaningful functions and powers for the parliamentary body."

"There were fundamental flaws in the electoral process, some of which are specific to the political situation in Belarus, including:

- A political regime that is not accustomed to and does everything in its power to block the opposition;

- Executive structures with extensive powers, including rule by presidential decree, that are not balanced with commensurate legislative controls, and that allow the arbitrary changing of the electoral environment;

- A legislative framework that still fails to ensure the independence of election administration bodies, the integrity of the voting results tabulation process, free and fair campaign conditions, and imposes excessive restrictions for campaigning and observers;

- The legal provisions for early voting that do not guarantee the proper control and counting of early votes;

- An election administration system that is overly dependent on the executive branch of government from the national to the local community levels, and is partial;

- A campaign environment disadvantaging opposition candidates;

- A campaign of intimidation directed against opposition activists, domestic observation organizations, opposition and independent media, and a smear campaign against international observers; and

- Highly biased state-controlled media and censorship against the independent print media."

"The international community is especially concerned about explicit threats made recently by highest government representatives against the opposition and independent media and activists. Developments in this area will remain under special international scrutiny."

"On the basis of these observations and without taking into account the outcome of the election, the ILEOM concludes:

- The 2001 presidential election process failed to meet the OSCE commitments for democratic elections formulated in the 1990 Copenhagen Document and the Council of Europe standards.

- The ILEOM welcomes and acknowledges the emergence of a pluralist civil society, being the foundation for the development of democratic political structures, representing all segments of the population.

- The isolation of the country is not in the best interest of the Belarus people and is not conducive to strengthening democratic development."

"Taking into account that the development of civil society and its political structures based on grass-root democracy represents the basis of a strategy for bringing Belarus up to European democratic standards - having its origin within Belarus society itself, the ILEOM considers that:

- The credit for those developments could not go to the current presidential leadership but to the Belarus civil society and democratic structures;

- The Belarus authorities should overcome the deficiencies of the electoral process and fulfil the obligations to implement the OSCE commitments and Council of Europe standards since these deficiencies put doubt on the democratic character of the election outcome;

- The strengthening of the democratization process must continue with a view to reintegrating Belarus and its people in the European system of standards and values."

"Furthermore, the ILEOM regrets that the policy of the Belarus authorities with respect to basic democratic structures and respect for fundamental human rights and values has greatly contributed to the current degree of isolation of the country and its people. The international community at its highest political level should reassess its policy toward Belarus bearing in mind both the lack of democracy as well as some positive trends indicating a more pluralistic political environment in Belarus. Any step undertaken by the international community should not result in the isolation of the people of Belarus, but rather in a renewed effort to help nascent democratic developments."

"According to the preliminary findings, the problematic and fundamentally flawed aspects of the Belarus's legislative framework include:

"Rule by Presidential Decree - although the Constitution (Art. 101, par. 3) generally permits the President to issue decrees in 'instances of necessity and urgency,' as illustrated by Decrees No. 8, 11, and 20, such decrees fall short of the intent of the constitutional provision when the President is also a candidate and the decrees impact the electoral process, in particular by restricting the rights of other participants in the process - namely political parties, potential candidates, and public associations."

"Insufficient provisions to ensure the integrity of the voting and no transparency during the tabulation of results - overly permissive early voting provisions; absence of separate accounting for the early and mobile voting; and the complete absence of polling station level details to substantiate the vote tabulation results at the territorial, oblast, and CEC levels."

"Restrictive provisions for observers - a prohibition to hold press conferences before election day is over; no right to accompany result protocols during transport to higher level commissions; no right to approach the work area where ballots are handed to voters, their identification checked, the voter register marked, and no right to periodically inspect the voting booths."

"Restrictions on free and fair campaigning - excessive campaign regulations that restrict candidates' ability to reach voters and that stifle public debate during the electoral process. Presidential Decree No 11 (May 7, 2001) introduced additional limitations on the freedom of expression. Thus, political parties, trade unions, and other organizations may only organize demonstrations with an expected turnout over 1,000 with prior permission from the head of oblast or the city of Minsk executive committee. The organizing party or trade union may be disbanded for a violation of this Decree."

"Limited opportunities to challenge CEC decisions - The Electoral Code stipulates that only a limited number of CEC decisions may be appealed to the Supreme Court: the denial of registration of a nominated candidate, acceptance of the withdrawal of candidate without valid cause, and the invalidation of elections. In addition, the time frame for appeals is short, e.g., appeal on invalidation of elections shall be lodged with the CEC not later than the day following the elections."

"Independence of electoral commissions not ensured - The Code does not ensure sufficient institutional independence of the CEC and lower commissions from executive bodies. The Code provides that executive authorities should support the election commission in their work (Article 38). The executive authorities have instead attempted to direct the work of the electoral commissions."

"The elections were administered through a pyramid structure of election commissions, beginning with the CEC and descending down through the Territorial Election Commissions (TEC) of oblast and Minsk City level (7), then rayon (region), city and city district level (161), and thereafter to the Precinct Election Commission (PEC - polling station) level (6,753). The ILEOM was not yet deployed when these commissions were nominated and appointed. However, from complaints filed by citizens and associations as well as from the limited statistical data presented above, it becomes clear that the appointment process can hardly be described as balanced. The Electoral Code failed to ensure the representation of various political interests in the commissions."

"The Electoral Code provides for the independence of the election administration from the State and local administration (Art. 11), and for clear distinction between the role of the election commissions and the supporting role of the local executive… However, instead of the prescribed supportive role, the local executives were "supervising" the work of the commissions. This "closeness" is always explained with practical and operational reasons."

"The total number of voters registered for the election was 7,221,434 (as of 4 September). They cast ballots in 6,753 polling stations throughout Belarus and 37 abroad. The voters are nearly evenly distributed throughout the country, with the largest region, Minsk City, only 5% greater in number of resident voters than the smallest. The ILEOM was informed by the CEC that the number of printed ballots exceeds the size of the electorate by approximately 7%."

"The rigid restrictions imposed on candidates by the existing legal and administrative framework, together with the Constitutional powers granted to the incumbent, made for a skewed political contest…Supported by State institutions and the State-owned mass media, candidate Lukashenko dominated the election campaign."

"The ILEOM was also deeply concerned about the level of harassment of political opposition and domestic monitoring groups. Specific incidents of seizure of office equipment and campaign materials, frequent tax inspections, and detentions of those found in possession of materials deemed slanderous of the President were recorded. These incidents had a chilling effect on an already minimal level of public campaigning."

"The State-owned outlets dominate both the broadcast and print media in Belarus... The only alternative sources of political information were the independent print media. However, they were handicapped with higher prices than those charged to the State media and limited distribution, often making them unattainable for most sections of the public…The ILEOM has documented more than 20 incidents of violations involving the freedoms of expression and information regarding the independent or opposition media during the pre-election period."

"The group 'Belarus Initiative - Independent Observation' initiated a parallel vote tabulation (PVT) of the election results based on a representative sample of 500 polling stations. A widespread misunderstanding as to what a PVT exercise entails led to open hostility on the part of the authorities. The methodology was characterized either as an abstract, and less than scientific experiment with no bearing on the actual process of the count, or, at the more extreme limits of discourse, as 'charlatanism' and a precursor to widespread public disorder."

"Given the concerns about the PVT, the ILEOM urged the authorities of Belarus to render a PVT redundant by publishing not only the total tabulated voting results, but the worksheets used in the tabulation process to justify those total results with polling station level details. Such transparency could provide the level of confidence among observers and the voters of Belarus to make a PVT unnecessary."

"Permissive legal provisions for casting early votes open the electoral process to possible manipulation… Early voting could take place in all polling stations across the country and in the presence of a minimum of only two election commission members, though observers could also be present. At the end of each day of early voting, no protocols were prepared, and the ballot boxes sealed and stored overnight. However, polling stations are not provided with unique seals and no specific instructions were issued by the CEC for securing the ballot boxes overnight. At the conclusion of voting on September 9, the early, mobile and regular polling ballot boxes are required to be opened separately, and the votes counted and noted in a working protocol. The working protocols are not available to observers. Only the totals from all boxes are entered in the final and official polling station protocols available to observers. These final protocols include no information on the total number of ballots found in each of the early, mobile and regular voting boxes."

The ILEOM observed the early voting in more than 600 polling stations across the country where the average turnout was 18%. In Grodno Oblast, 17 polling station observed had a turnout of more than 30%. At the conclusion of early voting on September 8, the CEC announced that the turnout was 14.7%. In almost 90% of polling stations visited by the ILEOM, the back of ballots was signed in advance by commission members in violation of the Electoral Code. Domestic observers were not present in 49% of polling stations visited. In 45% of polling stations observed, unauthorized persons were present, in an overwhelming majority of cases (93%) police."

"The ILEOM observed more than 1,000 polling stations…International observers assessed the conduct of the voting "good" or "excellent" in 70% of polling stations visited. In 86% of polling stations visited, voters were asked for identification documents, voters signed the register properly in 87% of cases, and the secrecy of the voting was respected in 79%. However, group voting took place in 26% of polling stations visited, in 45% of cases the ballots were pre-signed, and in 15% of cases unauthorized persons were assisting or directing the work of commissions. At the time of preparing this preliminary statement, the ILEOM had not processed the vote count reports submitted by observers."

"The provisions of the Electoral Code for the tabulation of the results at district, oblast and national levels are not sufficiently transparent to allow an independent audit by voters, candidate representatives and observers. The CEC is obligated to publish only the accumulated nationwide totals, without providing at each of the district and oblast levels detailed results by polling station to justify the totals announced. During past elections, this lack of transparency has raised questions about the integrity of the results announced. Regrettably, the authorities of Belarus declined to address this fundamental flaw in the electoral process of the country in time for the presidential election. At the time of preparing this preliminary statement, the ILEOM did not have sufficient information to assess the actual tabulation of the results countrywide."

The statement of preliminary findings and conclusions was issued before the final certification of the results and before a complete analysis of the observation findings and can be found at: http://usinfo.state.gov/products/washfile/rights.shtml. The OSCE/ODIHR will issue a comprehensive report on these elections approximately one month after the completion of the process.

U.S. CONCURS WITH OSCE: BELARUS ELECTION "NOT DEMOCRATIC"

On September 10, the State Department said that the United States concurs with the findings of an international election observation mission that the electoral process for the September 9 presidential election in Belarus was "not democratic." Deputy Spokesman Philip T. Reeker cited the findings of the election observation mission that the process in Belarus "has been marked by fundamental flaws and consistent interference by Belarusian authorities." Following is the text of his statement:

"According to the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe's (OSCE) international election observation mission, the 2001 presidential election process in Belarus that culminated in the September 9 ballot has been marked by fundamental flaws and consistent interference by Belarusian authorities. Today, the international observer mission concluded that the election process "failed to meet OSCE commitments for democratic elections." Regrettably, no part of the electoral process has been transparent or fair. Mr. Lukashenko has merely used the fa?ade of elections to engineer a meaningless victory for himself."

"The United States concurs with OSCE's findings that the electoral process was not democratic. Elections that are neither free nor fair cannot be internationally recognized. Belarusian authorities have demonstrated a clear disregard for both democracy and human rights during this election by avoiding transparency in all stages and engaging in a campaign of intimidation. They delayed or hindered participation of international and domestic observers, harassed opposition members and independent journalists, confiscated independent electoral materials and newspapers, and prevented a standard parallel vote tabulation, placing the official vote count into serious question."

"The isolation of Belarus is a result of the policies of the Lukashenko regime. We regret that Belarus authorities failed to take the fundamental step, via free and fair elections, to move away from international isolation and toward integration in Europe and the international community. The United States will consult with our European partners and will pursue measures designed to promote civil society and restore democracy to Belarus."

"President Bush has a vision of Europe, which should be free and peaceful. Belarus and its people can and should be a part of that Europe, and the United States supports Belarusians in their efforts to return to the path of democracy and a free market economy." (USIA, September 11)

U.S.: LUKASHENKO PURSUING COURSE THAT ISOLATES BELARUS

The United States regrets that the Belarus government "has not seized the opportunity to move away from isolation and toward integration," and it concurs with findings by the election observation mission that the September 9 presidential election "failed to meet the OSCE commitments for democratic elections." "The United States concurs with ODIHR's findings. We previously have catalogued the kinds of actions taken by Belarusian authorities to hinder the free and fair functioning of democracy. We very much regret that Belarus has not seized the opportunity to move away from isolation and toward integration. In our view, the incumbent's apparent success at the polls is meaningless," David Johnson, U.S. Ambassador to the OSCE, told the Permanent Council in Vienna September 13. "While it is unfortunate that the Lukashenko regime has pursued a course that isolates Belarus from Europe, we nevertheless remain engaged with the Belarusian people in ways that will promote a return to democracy, protection of human rights, and participation in the community of Euro-Atlantic nations," he said. A full transcript of Amb. Johnson's statement can be found at: http://www.usia.gov


OSCE URGES BELARUSIAN AUTHORITIES TO COOPERATE

On September 10, Mircea Geoana, Romanian Foreign Minister and the OSCE Chairman-in-Office, deplored that Belarus had failed to meet the OSCE standards in the conduct of the presidential elections. At the same time, the OSCE Chairman-in-Office hailed the emergence of genuine political structures from within the growing pluralistic civil society. "The new political coalition of a broad spectrum of forces and the presence of election monitors give rise to certain hopes and will serve as a strong incentive for the OSCE to reinforce the activities of the Advisory and Monitoring Group for the furtherance of democratic principles, values and procedures in Belarus," said Geoana, adding that the disputes of the recent months should be put aside and a new chapter of fruitful co-operation between the authorities, the democratic structures of civil society and the AMG with Amb. Wieck as well as with other OSCE branches should be resumed and advanced - to the benefit of the citizens and the respect for their individual human rights. "Such a new effort would help paving the way of Belarus towards the European communities," said the OSCE Chairman-in-Office. He shared the conclusions of the International Limited Election Observation Mission and considers that there is a need for consultations between the authorities and the international community. "The isolation of the country is not in the interest of the Belarus people and is not conducive to strengthening democratic development," said Geoana. "On the other hand, there is a need to intensify the co-operation of OSCE institutions and branches with the emerging civil society in Belarus and their structures. This should be done to the extent possible in co-operation with other European institutions," he added.

On September 7, Geoana once again urged the Belarusian authorities to discontinue the unfounded public campaign against the Head of the AMG in Belarus and to renew their co-operation with the AMG on the basis of the existing relevant documents and in the spirit of the Istanbul Declaration, which encouraged the AMG to closely co-operate with the authorities, the opposition parties and the non-governmental organizations in the strengthening of democratic institutions and compliance of Belarus with OSCE commitments. "The activities of the Advisory and Monitoring Group are in compliance with the mandate and with the decisions of the OSCE Istanbul Summit Declaration of 19 November 1999, which were signed by all the participating States, including Belarus. The AMG has nothing to do with any intelligence operations in connection with the Presidential Elections," Geoana said. (OSCE, September 7-10)


OSCE OFFICIAL CANCELS MEETING WITH GOVERNMENT

Adrian Severin, parliamentary head of the OSCE pan-European security body, who visited Belarus on September 7-10, canceled his meeting, originally scheduled for September 10, with Mikhail Khvostov, Belarusian Foreign Minister, when the Belarusian authorities refused to invite to the meeting Amb. Hans-Georg Wieck, head the OSCE mission in Belarus. (Belapan, September 10)


EU CRITICIZES BELARUS ELECTIONS

On September 11, the European Union criticized Lukashenko's re-election, arguing the election did not meet democratic standards. "One thing is perfectly clear, the election was not held in a democratic way," said EU Commission spokesman Gunnar Wiegand, arguing the polls did not meet the OSCE standards. "Belarus could run the risk of remaining isolated," while its neighbors were drawn ever closer in the democratic Western fold, said Wiegand. He said current relations between the 15-nation bloc and Belarus were "practically nonexistent" because of the political climate in Minsk. (Belapan, September 11)


WEST'S REFUSAL TO RECOGNIZE VOTE WILL HEIGHTEN MINSK'S ISOLATION

On September 11, the Russian media warned that the violations of democratic procedures observed during the election threatened to widen the gulf between Minsk and western capitals. "The West's refusal to recognize the election will heighten Minsk's isolation and increase its dependency on Russia," wrote Vremya Novostei. The daily Vremya-MN was reminded of "the elections of the late Soviet era, with political and administrative orders and an 'aggressively compliant majority.'" Izvestia noted that Lukashenko was the outright winner, but wondered: "Where will his victory take Belarus?" It warned: "The road to Europe is closed to such a regime. It can turn toward the Commonwealth of Independent States [the loose grouping of former Soviet republics] but that road leads nowhere because the Union is inert and disparate." Ties established by Lukashenko with leaders in Asia and the Middle East "are precious, but they will not save him," Izvestia added. Russia is unlikely to agree to make concessions to Belarus at the expense of its own reputation, the paper concluded. "The remaining outcome is for Belarus to remain alone with itself. There are other examples in history, for example, North Korea." (Vremya Novostei/ Vremya-MN/ Izvestia, September 11)


OPPOSITION CANDIDATE CALLS FOR VOTE TO BE DECLARED INVALID

Vladimir Goncharik had asked the Central Electoral Commission to annul the election's result because of "gross violations of Belarusian laws and international standards," during the poll. The election was a "monstrous fraud," Goncharik said, accusing Lukashenko of "doubling his score" in September 9's vote. "Power is being handed to Lukashenko through fraud," Goncharik told a crowd of people on Oktyabrskaya Square in Minsk late on September 9. The demonstrators chanted "Freedom! Freedom!" and "Long Live Belarus!" in believe that Lukashenko stole the elections.

"We are calling on the international community to support our demands for a second round," he added a little later. "I am hoping for an objective reaction from the European structures when they see what has gone on in Belarus. If they want to be objective then they cannot recognize Lukashenko as president," he added. Goncharik said opposition estimates indicated that Lukashenko had won 46.7 percent of the poll, rather than the 75.6 percent attributed to him by the electoral commission, and that he himself had scored 40.8 percent, as compared with 15.39 percent in the official announcement.

The Belarusian Helsinki Committee and Viasna Human Rights Center said they had lodged a complaint about the poll, having received "credible reports that ballots had been removed and replaced." "The results recall the Soviet era where turnout was 100 percent and the electors voted 100 percent for the single candidate," the BHC's president Tatiana Protko told a press conference, referring to the unprecedented high turnout of 82.5 percent. (On September 14, the Central Electoral Commission dismissed the complaints as groundless.) The composition of the central electoral commission was "in no way transparent" and allowed for "complete political control" of the electoral process, the BHC said in a statement. The campaign revealed "a state apparatus and media acting fully in the service of the reelection of the president," it said, noting that early voting had been impossible to monitor. About 300 people answered a call by opposition leaders to demonstrate in Minsk to demand that the elections go to a second round. [Article 79 of the Electoral Code, which was adopted in February 2000 and amended in July of the same year, provides that a candidate is elected if more than half of citizens included in the voter register take part and if the candidate wins more than half of the votes cast. Otherwise, a second round takes place not later than within two weeks between the two candidates with the highest votes. The same requirements apply to the second round and the process is repeated until the two conditions are met.-Ed.].

Lukashenko dismissed the concerns as he turned up to vote and ruled out any second rounds. "The accusations of fraud are unfounded. I don't know myself what's inside those polling urns. The opposition doesn't want to admit that things are going smoothly for me," he said. "Our election doesn't need to be recognized by the West," he added. "They need to be carried out according to our laws, as happens in the United States, in Britain, in France," he said.

"It is impossible to say that the election campaign in Minsk did not meet international standards, taking into account the standards that exist today," commented Alexander Veshnyakov, head of Russia's Central Electoral Commission, in an interview to Interfax, adding that "no one has any serious reason" not to accept the results of the elections. He admitted that the Belarusian standards were "unclear" and "morally outdated." However, he defended the early voting, saying it was part of the Belarussian "national character."

On September 10, the opposition again took to the streets of Minks to protest Lukashenko's landslide victory. Hundreds of protesters, answering a call from Vladimir Goncharik, gathered in a square in Minsk, braving cold weather and the public threat of a KGB security force to crackdown on any demonstration. Many carried the white and red nationalist flags banned by the government. Goncharik, who accused authorities of vote-rigging and intimidation during the election, had called for a second show of people power to defy Lukashenko. Police presence at the demonstration was low-key. That was hardly surprising because Minsk was inundated with international observers. (Nasha Svaboda/ BHC, September 9-11)


OSCE OBSERVER DETAILS VOTE FRAUD CHARGES

On September 11, Amb. Hans-Georg Wieck, head of the OSCE AMG in Belarus, provided details of widespread violations in disputed presidential elections won by Lukashenko. "Whole families went into the voting booth, some members holding a clutch of voting slips in their hand," Amb. Wieck said in an interview with Vremya-MN, a Russian daily. The Ambassador told German public broadcaster Bayerischer Rundfunk that 300 observers mandated by the OSCE "were unable to follow the vote-count closely." "The counting process was very strange. Members of the electoral commission did not discuss the process among themselves. They wrote results down on a piece of paper, which they then handed to their chief or deputy chief." "These people then went into another room and announced the result some time later -- which means the counting was not at all transparent," he said. Moreover, the Central Electoral Commission did not publish the results of each constituency, which is an important element in transparency, Amb. Wiek noted. The OSCE official said that in Minsk, for example, Lukashenko and Goncharik likely received an equal number of votes, despite preliminary official results giving Lukashenko about 75 percent of the vote in the capital. "The results are significantly different from what the election committee has announced until now," Amb. Wieck said. In response to a threat by Lukashenko to throw him out of the country as a spy, Amb. Wieck said that he had a clear mandate to be in the country to foster development of democratic institutions. "Lukashenko is not happy about this because he wants to hold on to his authoritarian-oriented state that does not uphold these standards," he said, adding he would not leave the country voluntarily.

Many of the international observers filed reports alleging that state-security officials tried to intimidate voters. Credible accounts of ballot-tampering, illegal campaigning and polling places closed on election day were presented as well. Others cited police raids on the offices of opposition parties and independent newspapers. There are many accounts of opposition party campaigners arrested while passing out leaflets and of opposition posters torn down by police.

There were a lot of specific reports of voting irregularities and harassment of international observers. One says that two unknown men in leather jackets entered polling station No. 23 in Minsk and tried to stuff a bunch of ballots into the boxes. When they were caught by a poll-watcher, the deputy-head of the electoral commission reportedly refused to detain the men or summon the police. Another report alleges that the head of the local Department of Internal Affairs installed himself at polling station No. 55 in Brest. When asked to leave by election officials, he said that he does not care about any reproofs and he will be where he wants to be. Other reports indicated many illegally closed polling stations on Election Day in Brest, Mogilev and elsewhere.

In Baranovichi, a Precinct Electoral Commission (PEC) so significantly restricted observation that the results of the count at this PEC cannot be recognized as valid. This PEC also violated Belarusian law by not publicly displaying a copy of the protocol with voting results. In the village of Lavrinovichi, near Baranovichi, Brest Region, the PEC violated Belarusian law by not keeping a tally of the number of voters who had taken part in early voting. In Minsk, a PEC had been instructed not to share any statistics on voting with observers. In Dzerzhinsk, Minks Region, a PEC did not want to share statistics on voting with domestic observers and ignored a request by domestic observers to observe a mobile ballot box team. In all polling stations, domestic observers had their activities significantly limited. They were always segregated to one end of the room and not allowed to observe the PEC operations from close up. A case in Baranovichi was particularly bad and case provides clear evidence that observers could not verify the results of the elections.

Militiamen were present inside of all polling stations visited with the exception of the military polling station in Nesvizh, Minsk Region. In some cases, they were exerting a clear influence by standing near ballot boxes, ballot booths or examining voter lists. Men appearing to be plainclothes KGB were present outside the polling stations or in some cases right in them.

In several stations there were observers from pro-Lukashenko organizations or observers who were "spontaneously" supported by their neighbors in petitions. Almost all these observers took little interest in what was going on in the polling station. The regime put them in place so that it could point to "observers" who found no irregularities and thereby counter the reports of legitimate independent observers. These "Potemkin observers" also played the role of window dressing to create the illusion for international observers and the public that there were genuine observers in polling stations where there in fact were not.

In some PECs there was an unhealthy dependent relationship between members and the chairman that gave the chairman the ability to exert undue influence on the commission. For example, in Lavrinovichi, the chair of the PEC was the director of the local collective farm. In Slonim, Brest Region, the chair of the commission was the supervisor of at least two of the commission members at a local enterprise. In Baranovichi, the chairwoman was the director of the cultural center in which the polling station was located and at least some of the commission members worked at the center. (Belapan/ Interfax/ ILHR, September 10-12)


OPPOSITION WEB SITES BLOCKED ON ELECTION DAY

On the election day, several Internet sites of the opposition NGOs and newspapers, including that of Vladimir Goncharik's, have been blocked, apparently on the orders of Lukashenko. "Our site was blocked since 1 p.m. There is only one server in Belarus, Beltelecom, which is a state-owned telecommunication monopoly, and according to my information it got an order to shut us down," Yury Polevikov, head of the Goncharik campaign web site, told AFP. "We were expecting problems. We complained to Beltelecom which gave us no explanation. I think it is a decision of the Security Council which controls the Internet," he added. On election day, telephones were disconnected not only at independent election monitoring headquarters but even in opposition campaign offices on the district level. There was also a power cut at the Trade Unions Palace. (AFP/ Charter 97/ Viasna Human Rights Center/ September 10)


BOMB EXPLODES NEAR US EMBASSY IN MINSK

On September 9, a homemade device exploded around 100 feet from the US Information Service building in Minsk and left a crater in the ground, but caused neither injuries nor serious material damage. Police did not comment on the explosion, except to say that an investigation has been launched. (Belapan, September 10)

LUKASHENKO TRIUMPHANT BUT DOOMED, SAY PAPERS

The independent newspapers have accepted the defeat of opposition candidate Vladimir Goncharik, but say Lukashenko is politically doomed. "He did it again. An outcast. A jester. The butt of all jokes. The president of Belarus," wrote Belarusskaya Delovaya Gazeta, independent socio-political newspaper. "The government machine was tough and omnipresent, as a result of which the independent observers' alternative vote count virtually failed," the paper said. "The voting procedure was so well organized that the loyally minded among foreign observers noticed no foul play." They blame the defeat not only on the government' tight control of campaign resources, but also on the lack of organization in the rival camp. Some attribute Lukashenko's victory to the "placid" Belarusian mentality. "Minsk is no Belgrade," said Belarusskaya Gazeta, an analytical weekly. "It has a different temperament." The papers acknowledge that the opposition failed to fire up their own supporters. "Goncharik failed to claim the presidency," wrote Nasha Svaboda, an opposition newspaper. "Over 5,000 supporters came to Oktyabrskaya Square on election night. People stood in the rain, refusing to leave. After the Central Electoral Commission announced that Lukashenko had won, no more than 1,000 remained," Nasha Svaboda said. "People waited for the leader to tell them what to do. Instead they got silence, interrupted only by the cracking noise of police radio," commented Belarusskaya Delovaya Gazeta. "The opposition left people dangling," the paper concluded.

But despite the opposition's defeat, the independent papers predict a grim future for Lukashenko. "Lukashenko is not an evil genius. Nor is he a political genius. He is an actor, an orator possessed by maniacal ideas," said Belarusskaya Delovaya Gazeta. "Nobody will come to his inauguration," the paper predicts. [It is scheduled for September 20-Ed.]. "As president, he is living on borrowed time. Nobody is afraid of him any more, they only laugh." The revolution against him had not collapsed. It had been postponed.

Respublika, newspaper of the Belarusian government, and Vecherniy Minsk, apparently happy that the electoral turmoil is over, preferred to devote space to a construction exhibition and criticism of US policy in Israel. (Nasha Svaboda/ Belarusskaya Gazeta/ Belarusskaya Delovaya Gazeta/ Respublika/ Vecherniy Minsk, September 10-11)


SIZE OF VICTORY IS MEASURE OF LUKASHENKO'S FEARS

Lukashenko is an increasingly lonely ruler, whose unpredictable and offensive style has alienated many members of his administration, wrote the Moscow Times in an article titled "It's Lonely At the Top In Belarus" published in its September 11 issue. The size of the victory, observers said, is a measure of his fears. "He probably could won without fraud or intimidation, albeit with a smaller margin," said Alexander Tomkovich, editor-in-chief of Den, an independent newspaper. "But politically, he could not afford such a victory." Only with the certainty of a big first-round victory could Lukashenko be sure of keeping his hold over state officials, he said.

During the past seven years, the Belarusian president has developed a peculiar style of running the country, the paper continued. Cabinet sessions presided over by Lukashenko and aired on national television look more like a gathering of schoolchildren reporting to a strict principal than a meeting of high state officials. Looking cowed and uneasy, the ministers listen to Lukashenko's often scathing criticism and promise to fulfill his demands. On some of these occasions Lukashenko has sacked ministers in front of the television cameras.

This style has kept Lukashenko popular with the people, but left him with almost no one he can trust, Tomkovich wrote. "He is surrounded by the people who could switch sides at the first occasion if given a guarantee that they would keep their posts. A landslide first-round victory was a must - one can never know if the bureaucracy would change its mind in between the two rounds." [According to a poll conducted shortly before the elections by the Independent Institute for Social and Economical Studies in Minsk, Lukashenko had reason to worry. Of the state bureaucrats polled, only 28.5 percent said they had a "positive attitude" toward Lukashenko and as many as 60.7 percent described their attitude as "negative."-Ed.]. The only thing Lukashenko may feel he can count on is the presidential security service, which he has been building up in the last couple of years. It is the security forces who Lukashenko said will defend him to the end." (The Moscow Times, September 11)


ADMINISTRATION SHAKE UP BEGINS

Following his re-election, Alexander Lukashenko immediately made several governmental changes. On September 12, Ural Latypov, who had served as the secretary of the State Security Council since November 2000, was named Lukashenko's chief of staff. Latypov replaced Mikhail Myasnikovich, who was named a "presidential aide for special assignments." Myasnikovich's two top aides were also replaced "in connection with their transfer to other work" - a usual euphemism for demotion. Gennady Nevyglas, head of the presidential guard, was appointed the secretary of the State Security Council. Stanislav Knyazev, first deputy state secretary of the Security Council, has become first deputy chief of the Presidential administration, replacing Vladimir Zametalin. Leonid Kozik, deputy Prime Minister, has been appointed deputy chief of the Lukashenko Administration. Yury Sivakov has been relieved of his duties as a deputy chief of the Presidential Administration. He and Zametalin will "assume other positions," Lukashenko's press office said. (Belapan/ Interfax, September 13)


PUTIN, GORBACHEV, KUCHMA CONGRATULATE LUKASHENKO

Russian President Vladimir Putin congratulated Alexander Lukashenko on his re-election and called Lukashenko's success a "convincing victory." In a phone conversation early on September 10, Lukashenko and Putin agreed to further strengthen the Russia-Belarus Union. While Putin congratulated Lukashenko relatively formally, Mikhail Gorbachev, former Soviet President, felt compelled to defend both Lukashenko, as "a person who thinks about the people and the country," and the fairness of his election. On September 12, Ukrainian President Leonid Kuchma sent his congratulations. (Interfax, September 10-12)


NGOs SET UP COUNTRYWIDE NETWORK OF INDEPENDENT OBSERVERS

In connection with the presidential election, a nascent civil society in Belarus showed encouraging and significant signs of substantive engagement by citizens on democracy issues. Non-governmental organizations cooperated closely in order to set up a countrywide network of independent election observers. More than 10,000 such observers were registered by the non-governmental organizations cooperating under the umbrella group "Belarus Initiative - Independent Observation." Thousands more were registered on behalf of other candidates and non-governmental organizations. During the final stage of the pre-election period, allegations were made by the Ministry of Justice against Viasna Human Rights Center, one of the leading NGOs in the "Independent Observation," regarding alleged violations of observer nomination procedure. Viasna and seven other NGOs received warnings about these alleged violations. During a CEC session on September 8 to examine these cases, Ales Beliatsky, Viasna's chair, offered to remedy the problem by the same evening, but the offer was rejected. As a result, about 2,000 Viasna observers' accreditation were annulled by the CEC. Nonetheless, the Independent Trade Union and Lev Sapega Foundation were granted time until the same evening to remedy a similar problem. (OSCE, Viasna Human Rights Center, September 10)


CHRONICLE OF ARRESTS AND HARASSMENT OF OPPOSITION ACTIVISTS

On September 6, the Kobrin police searched the apartment of Stanislav Chernitski, were a local office of Viasna Human Rights Center is located, and confiscated 6,000 copies of Semyon Domash's appeal to the electorate.

On September 7, Igor Krivoruchenko, an independent observer, was forced into a police vehicle near the polling station No. 17 in Grodno Region, and taken to an unknown location for inquiring about the number of people who took part in early voting.

On September 7, Dmitry Bukatov, Nikita Radikov, Liutov, Kaleta, Pashkevich and Pavlovich (first names are unknown), activists of Zubr and Malady Front, who campaigned for Vladimir Goncharik, were warned by the Mogilev Centralny District Prosecutor's office.

On September 8, Pavel Negursky, an independent observer, was summoned to the Public Prosecutor's office in Shklov, Mogilev Region, where he learned that a criminal investigation had been launched against him for "distortion of the election results performed by a member of the election commission or by another person legally taking part in the election process" under Art. 192 of the Penal Code, an offence punishable by up to 5 year's of imprisonment. The law-enforcers are ignoring the fact that as an independent observer, Negursky can not be tried under this Article. On September 9, two policemen tried to detain Negursky's son Igor at the railway station of Orsha.

On September 10, ten young members of the opposition United Civic Party were detained by the Minsk police near the Lukashenko administration building in Minsk for distribution of the special issue of Belaruskaya Maladzyozhnaya, an opposition newspaper, supporting Goncharik's election, and taken to the Minsk City Police Department for interrogation.

On September 12, the Grodno Region Prosecutor Office seized 8, 132 copies of the latest issue of Pahonya, the non-state Grodno-based newspaper. Nikolai Markevich, Pahonya's editor-in-chief, believes that a reason for confiscation was an article titled "I promised, I promise, I will promise!" about Lukashenko's re-election. On September 5, the criminal proceedings for slandering the president under Art 367, par. 1, of the Belarusian Penal Code, which is punishable by up to five year's imprisonment, were launched against the newspaper.

On September 12, Oleg Metelitsa, Zubr activist, was charged with violating Art 167 par. 1 (organization and participation in mass actions which violated public order) for inviting friends to celebrate his birthday and sentenced to 15 days of imprisonment. http://www.zubr-belarus.com/

Criminal proceedings for slandering the president under Art 367, par. 1, of the Belarusian Penal Code, which is punishable by up to five year's imprisonment, was launched against Natalya Brel, 27, activist of the United Civic Party. (Viasna Human Right Center/ Charter 97/ Belapan, September 6-13)


-AT HOME IN BELARUS-

ITALIAN SENTENCED TO FOUR AND A HALF YEARS FOR ESPIONAGE

On September 12, Italian businessman Angelo Antonio was convicted of espionage and sentenced to four and a half years in a high-security prison. His Belarussian associate Irina Ushak received a four-year jail term for high treason in the closed-door court hearing. Piu, 50, who is a Sardinian businessman, admitted that he was a retired member of the Italian secret service. According to the Belarusian KGB, Piu and Ushak were arrested in April while obtaining military data for western secret services. He came to Belarus in 1999 as the representative of an Italian humanitarian organization, and allegedly put together a network of informers on Belarusian arms sales in military institutions and the KGB itself. Piu's lawyer, Sergei Kozlov, said his client "is going to appeals to Lukashenko for a pardon." (Belapan, September 12)


- CALENDAR OF UPCOMING EVENTS -

The briefing titled "Unsolved Cases: Belarus and Ukraine" will be held in Warsaw on September 21, during the annual OSCE Human Dimension Implementation Meeting from 13:00-15:00 in the Hotel VICTORIA" (Meeting Room 1). It is a unique opportunity to hear from the wives of prominent men who have disappeared or died in Belarus under mysterious circumstances or have suffered imprisonment, as well as Myroslava Gongadze, the wife of a known Ukrainian journalist, Georgi Gongadze, whose murder in September 2000 sparked a political firestorm in Ukraine.

If you have any questions please contact Helsinki Foundation for Human Rights (ask for Jacqueline Kacprzak, tel. 828-10-08, 828-69-96 or mobile 0-602/254-656 or representative of International League for Human Rights: Peter Zalmayev zalmayev@yahoo.com)

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For daily updates, visit our partners website, Charter 97, www.charter97.org with news in Belarusian, Russian, and English.

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The Belarus Update is a regular news bulletin of the Belarus Human Rights Support Project of the International League for Human Rights. The League, now in its 60th year, is New York-based human rights NGO in consultative status with the United Nations.

The Belarus project was established to support Belarusian citizens in making their cases before the U.S. government and public and international fora and intergovernmental organizations regarding Alexander Lukashenko's wholesale assault on human rights and the rule of law in Belarus.

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